SOMALIA FACES NEW POLITICAL CRISIS OVER PRESIDENTIAL TERM

Somalia has spent more than three decades struggling to rebuild a functioning state after years of civil war, terrorism and political instability. Just when the country needs stronger institutions and national unity, a confrontation between its president and judiciary threatens to undermine that progress.

On 5 November 2026, Somalia’s Supreme Court ruled that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s constitutional mandate had expired on 15 May 2026. It also declared that parliament’s mandate ended on 14 April.

The judgment followed constitutional amendments extending presidential and parliamentary terms from four to five years. Mohamud’s government argued that the changes allowed existing officeholders to remain in power until 2027.

The court disagreed. It ruled that the amendments did not expressly extend the mandates of those already serving. Consequently, the original four-year limits remained applicable.

The judges ordered political leaders to agree on an electoral framework within 30 days and conduct elections within 90 days. Meanwhile, government authority would be limited to routine administration.

The confrontation became more serious because, a day before the judgment, Mohamud had dismissed Chief Justice Baashe Yusuf Ahmed, citing concerns about judicial administration. The court rejected the dismissal as unconstitutional.

Somalia therefore faces a difficult question: Who determines the limits of presidential power when the executive and judiciary disagree?

The crisis has deeper roots. Following the collapse of Siad Barre’s government in 1991, Somalia endured prolonged conflict and institutional breakdown. The provisional constitution adopted in 2012 established a federal framework, but disagreements over power-sharing, elections and relations between Mogadishu and regional administrations have persisted.

Mohamud’s government supports moving towards direct elections, potentially strengthening democratic participation. However, opposition leaders and regional authorities, including Puntland and Jubaland, have challenged aspects of the constitutional changes and electoral arrangements.

Their disagreement is not simply about election dates. It concerns who makes constitutional decisions, how political consensus is achieved and whether changes to the rules can benefit current officeholders.

The timing makes the dispute particularly dangerous. The United Nations political mission, which previously helped mediate disagreements, ended operations on 31 October. Uganda is withdrawing troops from Somalia, while African Union forces prepare to assume responsibility for several strategic positions.

Meanwhile, al-Shabaab continues attacking government forces and civilians. Political divisions could weaken security coordination precisely when Somalia needs it most.

The European Union and other international partners have invested heavily in Somalia’s security and institutional development. Their assistance could be undermined if constitutional confrontation produces another prolonged political crisis.

What, then, should happen? First, the presidency, opposition and regional administrations should urgently negotiate an electoral agreement that respects constitutional procedures.

Second, the judiciary’s independence must be protected. Any disagreement over its decisions should be addressed through lawful processes, not institutional confrontation.

Third, the African Union and regional partners should encourage dialogue without imposing political outcomes. International assistance should reinforce Somali institutions rather than replace their authority.

Finally, political leaders must protect security operations from partisan disputes. Whatever happens in Mogadishu, the fight against terrorism and the protection of civilians cannot be suspended.

Somalia has made important progress in rebuilding its state. But constitutions become meaningful only when political leaders accept that public office has limits.

The greatest danger is not disagreement between the president and the courts. It is allowing that disagreement to destroy the institutions Somalia has struggled so long to rebuild.

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