Sweden’s decision this week to phase out its bilateral development cooperation with Tanzania has sent shockwaves through diplomatic circles. It is not merely a budget decision, nor an administrative reshuffling.
It is a political statement – a blunt verdict on our country’s deepening crisis. And it marks the most definitive external reaction to Tanzania’s post-election turmoil.
But Sweden is not alone. A coalition of more than a dozen European countries – including Germany, the UK, France, Norway, Finland, Belgium, the Netherlands, Ireland, Switzerland, Italy and others – joined the European Union in issuing one of the strongest diplomatic rebukes Tanzania has seen in years.
Their joint statement condemned alleged extrajudicial killings, disappearances, arbitrary detentions, and the concealment of bodies following the disputed October elections. They demanded the release of detainees, the return of bodies to families, restoration of civic freedoms, and an independent investigation involving civil society and all political actors.
This is not the polite, carefully worded diplomacy Tanzania has been used to. This is an open alarm.
Internal fear, grief, and a shrinking civic space
Inside Tanzania, civil society organisations, legal advocates, faith leaders, and ordinary citizens have raised their voices — some trembling, others resolute. They have condemned the killings, abductions, communication blackouts, media repression, and denial of due process that have accompanied the unrest.
Yet fear is palpable. Police have already declared peaceful assemblies unlawful. Opposition figures face arrests or threats. The government has set up a Commission of Inquiry, but the public remains wary. Without independence and transparency, it risks becoming another smokescreen.
Amid these concerns, the Tanzanian government has sought to reassure the world that national mechanisms are in motion. In a statement issued through the Government Communications Unit, Tanzania acknowledged the concerns raised by a wide range of development partners — including the EU, Sweden, Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and several others — but emphasized that a “candid engagement” had already taken place between the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Diplomatic Corps on 28 November 2025.
The government stressed that the newly established Commission of Inquiry would thoroughly investigate the events of 29 October 2025 and produce a report that would “bring about an understanding of the unfortunate events” and lay the groundwork for future engagement.
Tanzania urged partners to allow these national processes to run their course, reaffirming its commitment to continued cooperation “as equal partners.”
Yet this reassurance has done little to quell domestic anxiety. The internal paralysis – a mixture of suppression, uncertainty, and the public’s mistrust of government-led investigations – stands in stark contrast to the clarity and urgency of the international response.
Diplomatic pressure with real consequences
Sweden’s break is not symbolic. It will affect development funding, social programmes, and long-term cooperation frameworks. Other countries may follow suit. The message is unmistakable: international partnerships will no longer operate on autopilot while human-rights abuses persist.
For Tanzania, the implications are severe. Investment confidence is evaporating. Travel advisories are rising. Key bilateral partners are reviewing aid and security cooperation. Our once-admired reputation as a stable, peaceful nation is eroding before the world’s eyes.
These reactions are not punitive for their own sake. They are driven by concern and by the demand that Tanzania honours the democratic and human-rights commitments it has signed onto.
The Government’s Moment of Truth
The Tanzanian government now stands at a critical juncture. It can choose defensiveness, that is, tightening the screws further, dismissing the concerns as foreign interference, and sliding deeper into isolation. That path leads to economic hardship, political delegitimization, and increased instability.
Or it can choose accountability. That would mean implementing genuine reforms, restoring civic space, and rebuilding public and international trust. The government insists it remains ready for “constructive international cooperation,” but constructive cooperation requires more than diplomatic language; it requires transparency and action.
A roadmap out of the crisis
To salvage our nation from its current mess, Tanzania must urgently:
Establish a truly independent and inclusive investigation into the killings, disappearances, and electoral violence – with publicly released findings.
Release all political prisoners and return bodies to families, offering legal, medical, and psychological support.
Reopen civic space by restoring freedom of expression, assembly, and access to information.
Reform electoral and security institutions to guarantee fairness, transparency, and respect for human rights.
Engage in genuine national dialogue involving civil society, political parties, faith leaders, youth, and international partners.
These measures are not radical. They are the bare minimum for any society that hopes to call itself democratic.
A warning and an opportunity
Sweden’s move is a warning shot. The collective statements from Europe and other Western partners show the world is watching, it’s losing patience. The government’s response, emphasizing its Commission of Inquiry and ongoing diplomatic engagements, shows it is aware of the mounting pressure.
But awareness is not enough. The unrest has exposed deep fractures in our political landscape, but it has also revealed a simple truth: this crisis is not irreversible. There is still time to salvage the country’s future – if leaders choose the path of accountability, openness, and reconciliation.
Tanzania’s partners have spoken. Its citizens have cried out. The government has defended its position. Now it must decide what kind of nation it wishes to be.
